THE 1967 WAR, INTENT WAS TO WIPE ISRAEL OFF THE MAP, JUST LIKE IRAN TODAY

Article 7 by Norland was all about what really happened in 1967, and is an affirmation of the deep roots which the Jews have in especially Judea and Samaria.  In a word it is all about the stirring up of antisemitism by the Arabs. We quote this outstanding study of 1967 in full:

Israel is in possession of Judea, Samaria and Gaza (Yesha) as a consequence of the 1967
defensive war that Israel was forced into.  The areas of Judea/Samaria and Gaza were occupied
from 1948 to 1967 by Jordan and Egypt, respectively, but no calls for “Palestinian sovereignty”
were heard during that period.  Since Jordan and Egypt have renounced their claims to these
territories, Israel has the strongest claim to Yesha.

 

The 1967 War is discussed and documented so extensively that only a brief summary is needed to
establish the foregoing argument.

 

Israel’s war against Jordan as a defensive war may be established by recalling that on the day the
Israeli war against Egypt started, Israel warned King Hussein explicitly not to intervene on the side of
Israel’s enemies.  This statement is substantiated by an official Israeli document sent to King Hussein
on June 5, 1967, via a UN official, General Odd Bull.  The document is available from the site of the
Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
MFA

 

:
On the morning of 5 June 1967, Prime Minister Eshkol transmitted through
the Chief of Staff of UNTSO a message to King Hussein asking Jordan to
refrain from hostilities. Text:

 

We are engaged in defensive fighting on the Egyptian sector, and we shall
not engage ourselves in any action against Jordan, unless Jordan attacks
us. Should Jordan attack Israel, we shall go against her with all our
might.

 

According to Gilbert, p. 385, This message was also conveyed by two other channels: the
Israeli/Jordanian Mixed Armistice Commission and the US Embassy in Tel Aviv.  The fact that
Jordanian forces opened fire, shelling Jerusalem, and then began to advance, proves the defensive
nature of Israel’s war on Jordan beyond any doubt.

 

The case against Egypt is based, first, on the casus belli created by Nasser when he closed the
straights of Tiran to Israeli shipping on May 22, 1967.  This is confirmed by
Nasser’s speech
:
On 23 May 1967, Egypt announced that the Straits of Tiran had been closed
and warned Israeli shipping that it would be fired upon if it attempted to
break the blockade. The next day, Egypt announced that the Straits had
been mined. Text of speech by President Nasser announcing the closure of
the Gulf of Aqaba to Israeli shipping, 23 May 1967:

 

Yesterday the armed forces occupied Sharin ash-Shaykh. What does this
mean? It is an affirmation of our rights, of our sovereignty over the Gulf
of Aqaba, which constitutes Egyptian territorial waters. Under no
circumstances can we permit the Israeli flag to pass through the Gulf of
Aqaba.

 

On May 23, the closure of the straits of Tiran was condemned by
President Johnson
in these words:

 

The United States considers the gulf to be an international waterway and
feels that a blockade of Israeli shipping is illegal and potentially
disastrous to the cause of peace. The right of free and innocent passage
of the international waterway is a vital interest of the entire
international community.

 

Even had the closing of the Straits of Tiran been the only cause of Israel’s war on Egypt, it would

have been enough to justify the war as one of self-defense.  In fact, this closure was accompanied by a

long series of other belligerent steps.  On May 17, 1967, Nasser ordered the withdrawal of the UN
buffer presence (UNEF, or United Nations Emergency Force) which was placed in the Sinai after the
1956 War.  This was preceded by deploying Egyptian troops in the Sinai starting May 13, 1967, and
by threats of annihilation against Israel.  For Israel, the military pact among Egypt, Syria, Jordan and
Iraq, with the explicit objective of annihilating Israel, amounted to a noose, especially when the pact
members started moving troops towards Israel’s borders.  Finally, Nasser resumed the murderous
infiltration of the terrorist Fidayin, an act that was among the prime causes of the 1956 War.  During
the week of April 24, 1967, for example, Egyptian-controlled terrorists sabotaged a main road leading
to Beersheba.

 

The following chronology is culled from Gilbert, Ch 21-22, and demonstrates the foregoing narrative.

 

May 13, 1967 – Nasser moves large numbers of troops into the Sinai.
May 16, 1967 – Nasser demands the withdrawal of UNEF; UN’s Secretary General, U Thant agrees
immediately.  Withdrawal completed by May 19, 1967.
May 22, 1967 – Nasser closes the Straits of Tiran, generating an unambiguous casus belli.  (On March
1, 1957, Israel announced that closing the straits would be considered casus belli.)
May 25, 1967 – Egyptian armoured units moved to Sinai.

 

May 26, 1967 – Nasser declares,
“our basic objective will be to destroy Israel”.

 

May 30, 1967 – During his visit to Cairo, King Hussein joins the Syrian-Egyption pact against Israel.

 

Israel was now surrounded on three sides.
May 31, 1967 – Iraqi troops move to Egypt to support a possible war. (On June 4, Iraq joined the pact
of Egypt/Syria/Jordan.)

 

Israel’s case against Syria is based on Syria serving as a launching pad for Palestinian-Arab terrorists
and on Syria’s continual harassment of Israeli settlements in the valley below the Golan Heights.  So
intense did the shelling become, that the civilian population had to pass many a night in underground
shelters.  A favourite tactic of the Syrian-controlled terrorists was mining roads, as in the incident on
May 8, when an Israeli car hit a mine on the road to Tiberias.  Gilbert, Ch 21, describes the situation
as follows:

 

The first three months of 1967 were marked by repeated Syrian artillery
bombardments and cross-border raids on the Israeli settlements in the
north. Israeli air raids against Syrian positions on the Golan Heights
would result in a few weeks’ quiet, but then the attacks would begin
again. On 7 April 1967 Syrian mortars on the Golan Heights began a barrage
of fire on kibbutz Gadot… More than 200 shells were fired before Israeli
tanks moved into positions from which they could reach the Syrian mortars.
As the Israeli tanks opened fire, the Syrian artillery did likewise.
Firing quickly spread along the border to the north and south of Gadot.
Then Israeli warplanes – Mirage fighter-bombers purchased from France –
flew over the Syrian border and over the Golan Heights, strafing several
Syrian strongholds and artillery batteries. Fifteen minutes later Syrian
warplanes – Soviet MiG-21s – took on the Israeli planes in aerial combat.
Within a few minutes, six MiGs had been shot down and the rest chased
eastwards to Damascus… One Israeli plane was shot down.

 

Following the Gadot clash, Fatah renewed its campaign inside Israel, using
the Syrian border as a conduit. On April 29 a water pipeline was blown up,
and a few days later mines were laid on the main road leading north from
Tiberias, damaging an Israeli army truck.

 

Israeli control of Judea, Samaria and Gaza are a direct consequence of the defensive war that Israel
was forced into in 1967.  In the course of a meeting in Rabat, 28 October, 1974, the
Arab Summit

 

adopts a resolution recognizing the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
This in fact meant that the former occupiers of Judea/Samaria and Gaza (Jordan and Egypt,
respectively)  officially renounced their claims over these territories.  When Germany lost WW I to
the Allies, she lost Alsace-Lorraine to France.  When Germany lost WW II, she lost East Prussia.

 

The 1967 war is a key point in time in this narrative.
There is thus a purpose in delving right in at this particular moment in time. But it a continuum and we insist on seeing it as a continuum, the motive force being Jew Hatred, hatred of the Jewish people, antisemitism, the oldest hatred and most vicious hatred known to man, the hatred which is the default position for man in crisis.
As dialectical materialists we do see each manifestation of antisemitism as linked to the particular crisis in the class forces which make up society, and it so happens that in our period the class forces are the class relations of capitalism.
This is why Leon Trotsky in his many analyses of Fascism, Hitler Mussolini et al, always drew the discussion back to the historical crisis in capitalism and the historical crisis in leadership.
Since 1967 is a particular moment it must therefore be seen as a moment in this continuum.
As stated above in the analysis by Norland the Arabs had manouvred by the month of May in 1967 to have Israel surrounded on 3 sides and their intent was without doubt, to wipe Israel off the map.
I am certain there were those around who refused to see this, who provided a cover for the Arabs like Nasser.
There is a direct parallel to the present day when there are those on radio and television talk shows who are insisting that iran has got peaceful intentions.
This is quite remarkable when a slightest investigation using any search engine will bring up hundreds of direct and meaningful attacks on Israel, where the right of Israel to exist is constantly denied, andf where the two main creations of the Islamist revolutionary Guards, Hasbullah and Hamas, have written in to their constitutions the destruction of Israel.
Such people who use these arguments and who deny the intent of Iran are quite simply antisemites.

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