ERDYMOVIC, WHO WAS ANOTHER CHRISTOPHER BLACK, HOLDS THE SECRET WHICH PROVES THE “SREBRENICA MASSACRE” WAS A GIANT HOAX!

The case of the ICTY Court in the Hague and how it created the giant hoax of “The Srebrenica Massacre”, on the morning after the arrest of Ratko Mladic

 

The whole existence of the ICTY Court (also known as the Hague Kangaroo Court) was based on the “evidence” of one person, who was the equivalent but much worse of Christopher Black of Derry, of supergrass infamy. His name was Drazen Erdymovic.

 

I separate with Harman. I have seen no evidence of any such killing and my big question to Harman is why believe anything that a paid liar like Erdymovic says anyways.

 

My point to Herman is that the police in such cases recruit vulnerable people, who in turn do a deal, and after that they are the property not of the truth but of the police. It is really an old story.

 

But Herman summarises the central issue in Civikov’s book well in these paragraphs below.

 

THE KEY ISSUE IS

Erdymovic in his own story and paid evidence to The Kangaroo Court did not act alone, but in his own words with 7 others.

 

Not only were these 7 others not prosecuted in “such a ghastly crime” as Srebrenica but the ICTY took great care NOT to prosecute them

 

And that is the central clue which if honest people follow it up leads to the reality that the “Srebrenica Massacre” is a giant hoax.

(The central witness in the case which had at its centre the Srebrenica Massacre had 7 associates, with two others further up in the chain of command. They have been and are ignored. Is that not fishy!)

 

But when it comes to Serbs and Jews there are not many honest people around and liars abound.

 

(Start here)

Global Research, January 10, 2011

A review of Germinal Chivikov’s book Srebrenica: The Star Witness (orig. Srebrenica: Der Kronzeuge, 2009, transl. by John Laughland) – “a devastating indictment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).”

One of the most remarkable and revealing features of the Erdemovic case is that although he named seven individuals who did the killing with him, and two superiors in the chain of command who ordered or failed to stop the crime, not one of these was ever brought into an ICTY court either as an accused killer or to confirm any of Erdemovic’s claims. These co-killers have lived quietly, within easy reach of ICTY jurisdiction, but untroubled by that institution and any demands seemingly imposed by a rule of law. The commander of his unit, Milorad Pelemis, who Erdemovic claimed had given the order to kill, made it clear in an interview published in a Belgrade newspaper in November 2005, that the Hague investigators have never questioned him. He had never gone into hiding, but has lived undisturbed with his wife and children in Belgrade. Nor have ICTY investigators bothered with Brano Gojkovic, a private in the killer team who Erdemovic claimed was somehow in immediate command of the unit (a point never explained by him or prosecutors or judges). Civikov points out that only once did the judges in any of the five trials in which the star witness testified ask the prosecutors whether they were investigating these other killers. The prosecutors assured the judges in 1996 that the others were being investigated, but 14 years later the Office of the Prosecutor had not questioned one of them. And from 1996 onward the judges never came back to the subject.

As these seven were killers of many hundreds in Erdemovic’s version, and the prosecutors and judges took Erdemovic’s version as true, why were these killers left untouched? One thing immediately clear is that the ICTY was not in the business of serving impartial justice even to the point of arresting and trying wholesale killers of Bosnian Muslims in a case the ICTY itself called “genocide.” But ignoring the co-perpetrators in this case strongly suggests that the prosecutors and judges were engaged in a political project—protecting a witness who would say what the ICTY wanted said, and refusing to allow any contesting evidence or cross-examination that would discredit the star witness. Civikov points out that the only time Erdemovic was subject to serious cross-examination was when he was questioned by Milosevic himself during the marathon Milosevic trial. And Civikov shows well that the ICTY presiding judge in that case, Richard May, went to great pains to stop Milosevic whenever his questions penetrated too deeply into the area of Erdemovic’s connections or credibility.

In April 2004, a Bosnian Croat, Marko Boskic, was arrested in Peabody, Massachusetts, for having caused a hit-and-run car crash while drunk. It was soon discovered that Boskic was one of the members of Erdemovic’s killer team at Branjevo Farm But journalists at the ICTY soon discovered that the Tribunal did not intend to ask for the extradition of this accused and confessed murderer. A spokesman for the Office of the Prosecutor stated on August 2004 that the prosecutor was not applying for the extradition of Boskic because it was obligated to concentrate on “the big fish.” So killing hundreds, and being part of a “joint criminal enterprise” murdering 1,200, does not yield big enough fish for the ICTY. In fact, this is a major lie as dozens of cases have been brought against Serbs for small-scale killings or even just beatings, and the ICTY has thrived on little fish for many years. In fact, the first case ever brought by the ICTY was against one Dusko Tadic in 1996, who was charged with a dozen killings, all dismissed for lack of evidence, leaving him guilty of no killings whatsoever, but only of persecution and beatings, for which he was given a 20 year sentence. A number of other Serbs were given prison sentences, not for killing people, but for beatings or passivity in not exercising authority to constrain underlings (e.g., Dragolic Prcac, 5 years; Milojica Kos, 6 years, Mlado Radic, 20 years, among others). The dossier of ICTY prosecution of little (Serb) fish is large.

Thus, the Boskic case does not fall into any little-fish-disinterest category. Rather, it is perfectly consistent with the failure to bring to court Pelermis or any of the seven known co-perpetrators of the massacre. Civikov’s very plausible hypothesis is that this is another manifestation of star witness protection—the ICTY does not want his convenient testimony to be challenged. Little fish like Boskic might gum up a political project. Civikov contrasts the extremely alert and aggressive actions of the ICTY and U.S. authorities in getting Erdemovic transferred to the Hague in March 1996 with this remarkable reluctance to even question Erdemovic’s fellow killers. He was seen quickly as a man who might make proper connections to enemy targets, so no holds were barred then, or later..

http://www.globalresearch.ca/PrintArticle.php?articleId=22727

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