This following article is definitely NOT a history and only gives some information which can be useful to a history. The writer only very partially understands what the ideology and practise of Stalinism is. The honest Jewish reader will quickly understand that from 1922 to the present is a period of the most intense struggles and conflicts. And if that period has been intense then this new century is going to be ten times more intense because the crisis in capitalism that produced the Holocaust is now 10 times more intense. Who were these first communists who came to Palestine in 1922? There is thus need for a historical reckoning but none forthcoming in this article

Mayday Demonstration in downtown Nazareth (Photo: Eli Gozansky)
but what a farce in our 4international eyes, What a parody of communism the above picture represents. That is what all Israelis today see as being communism. Thes esentiments are straight out of the Nazi Big Lie. The Arabs in Israel today TAKE the Jobs and education but they make war on the Jewish State. Abbas says never a Jewish state but the Arabs since 1918 have gained 22 states of their own and still want a 23rd for this people called “Palestinians” created only since 1967 as an Antisemitic stratagem. These Stalinists must be politically exposed and destroyed. (From 2012 and is from


You will find Little encouragement in the Jewish Virtual Library. Hey guys Israel was not founded in 1922. The writer in Jewish Virtual clearly had Little appetite for the task and dismissed the whole (to him sorry) affair in about 5 lines…


The really important thing to grasp in all of this is that Leon Trotsky had become a Zionist by the 1930s in that he was advocating Jews to by any means get themselves to Palestine from out of the killing fields of Europe. His great ability allowed him to PREDICT  the Holocaust so accurately.


these are historical facts and although I cannot itemise them here what I say is true


The difficulty for some today is that Trotsky was advocating a Jewish state while doing so from the standpoint of being a confirmed Atheist. This some religious Jews today just cannot stand and the thought of this drives some I have known into apoplexy. Indeed reproduced fully by Joseph Nedava an interview of 1938 shows Trotsky with a huge interest and attachment to Jewishness. He was a Jew and proud to be a Jew just as I am proud to be Irish (the cards that are dealt etc!)


As if all that were not enough, and it is plenty, there is also enough evidence that Trotsky was aware of the danger of what he called “Mohammedanism” and in this context he talked about the movement or transfer of peoples in this case meaning Arabs, so that Jews could find a place on earth to follow their ancient traditions, and of course religion.


That it must be pointed out was before our modern great awakening on Islam as a result of the theoretical work of many outstanding scholars, such as Andrew Bostom


To sum up these indaequate remarks I would say that the working class in the historical REGION OF Palestine should indeed celebrate May Day 2014, but should link it to the Holocaust, and to the role of the Arabs led by Hajj Amin el Husseini in that Holocaust. As we said Abbas is straight out of the Holocaust, his Holocaust Denial thesis for doctorate is only part, the other part is that both he and Arafat were mentored by Hajj Amin el Husseini. The need is to arrest these Nazi leadership of Fatah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad and to advance on all fronts the need for a Jewish State, not just any old state, but a Jewish state which must be sacrosanct. In this situation of historical Palestine today political demands such as these are primary


The real Marxists or Trotskyists opposed to Stalinism must be at the Forefront int he fight for historical accuracy on these issues. Profesor Francisco Gil White and Jared Israel have continually pointed to how the Israeli elites have also hidden the role of Hajj Amin el Husseini in the Holocaust. We on 4international concur. That actually gets to the very heart of the issue in the Middle East. The Arabs are filled witht he Antisemitism of the Jihad and it is that which created the Alliance with the Nazis. That should be number one topic at any May Day rally in Israel this year but will not. That it will not is not at all cause for despondency. Youth of Israel especially the youth will be looking more and more for historical truth


The article below I point out hails from 2012 so is still somewhat relevant


start article extract here


Under the direction of the Israeli Communist Party, part of the broader left-wing Hadash movement since 1977, demonstrators rallied on Friday evening in Jerusalem, Saturday night in Haifa, and on Sunday in Tel Aviv. In Nazareth, prior to lunch on Saturday, hundreds of people from across the generations and genders spilled out for a march that crossed from a petrol station located near to the Catholic Church of the Annunciation northward toward Mary’s Well, where Orthodox Christians believe the Virgin Mary was visited by the Archangel Gabriel, thus commencing her pregnancy.

Maki’s history goes back to the declaration of the Israeli state in 1948, and its roots extend to the Palestinian Communist Party, founded in 1923, mostly by immigrants who brought Europe’s burgeoning communist movement with them. Communism around the world has changed dramatically since those early days, when it was a movement of labor unions and chin-stroking intellectuals, and has become more closely associated with the totalitarian regimes of Josef Stalin, Mao Zedong, and Pol Pot. But the Israeli branch missed most of these changes, and today it’s more about farmer communes and worker’s unions (and some Israel-specific issues, such as its controversial anti-Zionism).

Israel’s influx of conservative Russian immigrants and its occupation may edge the country ever to the right, but Hadash — a superficially joint Judeo-Arab front of socialist parties and organisations — won four seats in the most recent Knesset elections. They propose a self-described non-Zionist platform, one opposed to all forms of nationalism, in favor of total withdrawal from the West Bank and other territories gained after 1967 (an “aggressive war”), and the institutionalisation of the right of return for Palestinian refugees. Maki’s report on the most recent Party Congress in March speaks of the dangers of U.S. imperialism in the Middle East, and the dangers posed by the “fascistic” Netanyahu government.

Hadash appeals for Israel to become a bi-national state, as opposed to a homeland for the Jewish people (General Secretary Mohammad Barakeh has stated previously that he “does not accept the demand that every Jew can come to Israel”). This position has, according to Haaretz writer Avirama Golan, shackled Hadash and Maki to “the separatist-nationalist and populist stream.” They are, as such, merely one facet of the larger Arab bloc with Balad, Ra’am, and Ta’al, all Arab-Israeli parties.

A number of children also participated in the May Day demonstration. Clad in pristine white shirts and smart red neckerchiefs, they formed several marching bands made up largely of drummers, carried banners, or in one case dressed up as milk cartons festooned with Arabic writing. Most had been brought to the rally by their parents, who watched from the side of the road, cheered, and snapped pictures of their offspring.

Discussing the complex and often tortured history of communist can be difficult when talking with a still-committed Marxist-Leninist, whose views aren’t tied to Stalin or Mao, but aren’t always easily separated from these touchier legacies, either. Talking to Khenin, the communist Knesset member, we managed to discuss them indirectly by talking about whether the kids in the crowd understood the complexities of the ideology they were marching for. Khenin said that the children could not know the “mistakes of history” and the “lessons learned” from them.

By the time that the final rally in concrete carbuncle reached what was supposed to be its climax, the heat of the midday sun had sent most of the marchers retreating to shady areas, where boxes of popsicles waited. The designated speakers, grizzled old comrades, were left to make their passionate, firebrand speeches to a half-empty square, each concluded with a smattering of wilted applause.

Maki and Hadash haven’t quite succeeded in establishing themselves as the strong opposition to the current Netanyahu-Barak government that they’d sought. As a non-Zionist outfit, they’ve isolated themselves from Israel’s main opposition forces — parties such as Labor, Meretz, and Kadima; and peace organisations such as Peace Now — who all broadly support withdrawal from the West Bank as a means to securing a Jewish and democratic state.

Khenin repeatedly used the phrase “social justice” to describe the protest’s main message: “Money for Jobs and Education — Not War and Occupation”, one banner read. Social justice is in and of itself a noble cause, but Maki are perhaps the wrong voice to trumpet it, given their status as one branch of a larger movement that is more associated with its many injustices. It is a reminder of how isolated Israeli communism has been from the rest of the communist world since the first communists arrived here almost a century ago.









I have major problems with the following article. To me it is too clever by half. It is not a campaigning article. Not really an article to campaign behind

I disagree strongly with this

Ratko Mladić is neither a monster nor a saint.

Mladic is no monster! the only monsters are those on the likes of Harry’s Place who call him that, and worse. So why say it anyway!

Rather than being a monster Mladic is indeed a hero, because he fought a valiant struggle, and is still fighting, just as much as is Geert Wilders, or as is Muammar Gadhafi, and those with Gadhafi in Libya who are fighting against NATO

Unlike this writer in this article we on 4international have no equivalence between these forces. At every point we take the side of those who are fighting against this alliance of NATO and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Yes indeed…take very strong exception to that phrase.


I make these points:


  1. The famous Dutch report specifically said that they could

find not one eye witness that the Serb soldiers on retaking Srebrenica murdered a single human being, much less Muslim


  1. He leaves out the key Germinal Civikov book in this article, although it is central in his previous article. It is right to make Civikov central. I will tell you why


Civikov proves that the whole of the Hague kangaroo Court evidence that the Serbs executed prisoners in any number was based on the “evidence” of Drazen Erdemovic.


Why is this fact so important?


It is so important because Erdemovic was a supergrass in the mould of Christopher Black of Derry.


Christopher Black was like an empty vessel in the hands of the RUC Special Branch. They the RUC Intelligence simply poured their evidence in one end of Christopher Black and it came out the other during the critical trials of republicans. It was a closed system. The supergrass was kept in high isolation, away even from his family. No other witnesses were needed, except the police (!!!) and in fact were not only not necessary, but would cause “cross contamination” of the evidence of the supergrass.


So in that case Erdemovic claimed that 1200 Muslims were executed thanks to the labours of himself and 7 others plus 2 higher up the command chain


What happened those 9 others, guilty of “the greatest crime since the Holocaust” as The Hague kangaroo Court told us.


These 9 others were to this day not even questioned although the key evidence of Erdemovic named them.


Not only were they very well known, absurdly so, but one of them was arrested in America on a driving charge, and the Americans made sure that they were not interested in him appearing in the Hague.




There was no execution of any kind at any farm nohow nowhere!




There are other issues in this article concerning Tito.


It is not made clear, in fact the very opposite.


Tito was no communist, he was a Stalinist.


As far as I understood at the time when Stalin made the pact with Hitler, Tito whether he agreed or not, did not oppose it publicly. He was part of the Stalinist Comintern.


The writer of this article does not even distinguish between Stalinism and Communism


That is the swampland of American and British Imperialism and their ideology. Why should Serbs go down that track either?


Much in this article is minor and incidental.


We on 4international say that the ONLY important thing is not about bounties for families, but that Ratko Mladic like all other Serbs in this Kangaroo Court, many now languishing in prison, are all innocent in the court of revolutionary socialist or communist justice and must be immediately set free.


The only crime of Ratko Mladic was to fight on behalf of the Christian Serbs against the alliance of Jihad and Imperialism, especially American and British Imperialism

(start article by Srdja Trifkovic here)

General Mladic: The Facts

Jun 2, 2011

By Srdja Trifkovic | Mladic may have allowed himself to be discovered in return for a substantial financial reward for his family, sources from Belgrade say.

The circumstances surrounding arrest of the wartime commander of the Bosnian Serb Army, General Ratko Mladić, seem puzzling. On May 26 he was captured in the house of a close relative with the same surname in a village north of Belgrade. Prima facie this means either that Mladić was entirely left to his own devices and had to seek shelter with people certain to be under police surveillance, or else that the Serbian authorities had been conniving in his hiding. The former is unlikely in view of the effectiveness of Mladić’s concealment after he finally went underground in 2002. The latter is even less likely in view of President Boris Tadić’s constant desire to please his mentors in Brussels and Washington and get Serbia a step closer to the ever-elusive EU membership.

According to our reliable sources in Belgrade, Mladić would not have been discovered had he not decided to give himself up in return for a substantial financial reward for his family. He is a very sick man and unlikely to live much longer. In addition to a chronic kidney ailment and high blood pressure, he has suffered several minor strokes over the past decade. Two years ago he was treated—under an assumed name—for non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma at a clinic in Belgrade. Aware that his wife Bosiljka and son Darko had been living in penury since the authorities stopped paying his pension in 2005, Mladić decided to offer the government a deal. The final settlement is well below the $10m previously offered for Mladić’s capture, but sufficient to enable his wife and son to live in comfort for many years to come.

The price Mladić will have to pay is to endure, in the closing months of his life, a show trial at The Hague, where his guilt for genocide, crimes against humanity etc. is treated as a long-established fact. That he will not be granted even pro forma assumption of innocence was evident in the statement by the viceroy of Bosnia (“International High Representative”), Valentin Inzko of Austria, who described Mladić as a “war criminal” even though the trial is unlikely to start until some time next year.

Ratko Mladić is neither a monster nor a saint. He is a soldier, groomed in the Titoist tradition of the JNA (YPA) trans-national Yugoslavism, who rediscovered his Serb roots in late middle age. He was a skilled tactician but he was not a master strategist: he knew how to win battles, but ending the war was beyond him. His masterly conquest of the fortified Muslim positions on Mts. Igman and Bjelašnica in the summer of 1993 was a neat case of deep penetration by platoon-sized shock units in the center, immediately followed by panic-inducing flanking pincers.

Mladić’s freedom of action was partly curtailed by the latent tensions between the military and the political leadership of the Bosnian Serb republic. He and his staff were former YPA officers mistrusted by the ruling Serbian Democratic Party. On the other hand, Mladić’s view was that the Serbian Democratic Party establishment was both corrupt and inept. Dr. Karadžić retaliated by referring to the Army top brass as “commie bastards,” komunjare. The underlying animosity was based on the politicians’ claim that the officers had divided loyalties, since many of them (including Mladić) were still on the payroll of the Yugoslav Army, which at that time was controlled by Slobodan Milošević.

Needless to say, Ratko Mladić is not guilty as charged. The heart of the indictment against him, “Srebrenica,” is a myth—a genocide-that-never was, a postmodernist exercise in pseudoreality. It is a matter of record that thousands of Muslim men were killed in the vicinity of that small town during the Bosnian war, and that most of them lost their lives during an attempted breakthrough after the pocket fell to the Bosnian Serb forces in July 1995. At least a fifth reached safety of the Muslim-held town of Tuzla; a few hundred crossed to Serbia, across the Drina River to the east. An unknown were killed while fighting their way through; and many others—numbers remain disputed—were taken prisoner and executed by the Bosnian Serb soldiers. The numbers remain unknown and misrepresented. The War Crimes Tribunal at The Hague (ICTY) never came up with a conclusive breakdown of casualties. That a war crime did take place is undeniable, but the number of its victims remains forensically and demographically unproven. According to the former BBC reporter Jonathan Rooper, “from the outset the numbers were used and abused” for political purposes.” The most startling aspect of the 7-8,000 figure, he says, is that it has always been represented as synonymous with the number of people executed.  This was never a possibility. (Check out my Srebrenica and the Power of Reason, April 15.)

Far from bringing the Srebrenica myth to some long-overdue critical scrutiny, Mladić’s transfer to The Hague will be used to reconfirm old prejudices and old myths. In reality, the crimes and violations of human rights between 1992 and 1995 were not the direct result of anyone’s nationalist project. These crimes, as Susan Woodward of Brookings notes, “were the results of the wars and their particular characteristics, not the causes.” Yet the effect of the legal intervention of the “international community” with its act of recognition of Bosnia-Herzegovina was that a Yugoslav loyalty was made to look like a conspiratorial disloyalty to “Bosnia.” In 1943-4 Tito was able to force the Anglo-Americans to pretend that his struggle was not communist revolution. In 1992-5 Alija Izetbegović forced the West to pretend that his jihad was the defense of “multi-ethnicity.” Both pretenses were absurd.

Ratko Mladić will be duly convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity. He will not come out of jail alive. The verdict is already written, but it reflects a fundamental imbalance. It ignores the essence of the Bosnian war—the Serbs’ striving not to be forced into secession—while remaining mute about the culpability of the other two sides for a series of unconstitutional, illegitimate and illegal political decisions that caused the war. The judgment against Mladić at the U.S.-sponsored and largely U.S.-funded tribunal at The Hague will be built on this flawed foundation. It will be neither fair nor just. It will also give further credence to the myth of Muslim blameless victimhood, Serb viciousness, and Western indifference, and therefore weaken our resolve in the global struggle that used to be known as “war on terrorism,” and now no longer has a name, or a purpose, or a strategy.

The long-term agenda of the Tribunal’s architects is obvious when we read Geoffrey Robertson’s “Mistakes the Mladic trial needs to avoid” (The Independent, May 28, 2011): “The Mladic indictment … should be replaced by just one charge, the crime against humanity constituted by his command responsibility for ordering the worst war crime since the Japanese death marches of POWs at the end of the Second World War, namely the slaughter of more than 7,000 prisoners of war—the Muslim men and boys killed at Srebrenica.” It remains the Serbian government’s duty, Robertson says,

to clean out the Serb orthodox church, whose priests blessed the death squads at Srebrenica. Without their blessing, I believe that some soldiers would have disobeyed their orders to shoot defenceless, hog-tied, men and boys. It is widely known that the church has harboured Hague fugitives in its monasteries and has been deeply implicit with the murderous aspects of Serb nationalism… They should remember … the fact that the wheels of international justice grind slowly but they grind exceedingly small.

This is a statement worthy of a senior jurist in Moscow, cca 1937. It is unimaginable that Mr. Robinson would suggest a similar clean-up of the Prophet’s Religion of Peace and Tolerance, of course. His call is based on the construct of primary Serb culpability that is supposedly unique among the warring factions. In Robertson’s scenario The Hague is not a vehicle of judicial reconciliation but an instrument of quasi-legal retaliation.

The forthcoming verdict against Ratko Mladić, signed and sealed as it is, will be based on a lie and on an arbitrary apportioning of guilt by the self-appointed guardians of the “international community.” It paves the way for a new, even worse conflict a decade or two from now. It guarantees that the absurdity known as “Bosnia-Herzegovina” will become even less tenable than it is already.